ASSESSING THE APPLICABILITY OF INTERNATIONAL ELECTORAL STANDARDS IN STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY IN UGANDA: A CASE STUDY OF ENTEBBE MUNICIPALITY, UGANDA

BY

MUTUNGI ISAAC
2017/AUG/MIRD/M221591/WKD

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY OF NKUMBA UNIVERSITY 

SEPTEMBER, 2019

DECLARATION
This dissertation is my original work and has not been presented for a degree or any other academic award in any University or Institution. And where other citations has been used, due acknowledgement has been made.

Sign……………………….   Date:  	………………………………….                                                                                                     

MUTUNGI ISAAC

 (STUDENT) 

	
APPROVAL

‘I confirm that the work reported in this dissertation was carried out by the student under my supervision’

Sign ………………………………….			Date ………………………

ANNE ABAHO

SUPERVISOR 

DEDICATION
I dedicate this research to my family members. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
By the will of God, it has been possible; all glory and honor to the Almighty.

I would like to thank my family members especially for their support both spiritually and materially. .

I am heartily thankful to my Supervisor Ms. Anne Abaho whose training, love and guidance have enabled me reach this far of completing a masters degree program successfully, thank you. 

Special thanks go to all my respondents and leadership of different stakeholders I interfaced during my research for your support and cooperation.

.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION
APPROVAL
DEDICATION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
ABSTRACT
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1	Overview
1.2	Background to the study
1.2.1	Historical background
1.2.2	Theoretical background
1.2.3	Conceptual Background
1.2.4	Contextual Background
1.3	Problem statement
1.4. Purpose of the study
1.4.1	Specific objectives
1.5	Research Questions
1.6	Scope of the study
1.6.1	Content scope
1.6.3	Geographical scope
1.7.3	Time scope
1.7	Justification of the study
1.9	Conceptual Framework
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Introduction
2.2. Theoretical Review
2.3 The democratic features practiced in Uganda’s voting processes
2.3.1 Well-structured institutions
2.3.3 Rights of all people
2.3.4 Free and fair elections
2.3.5 State Transparency
2.3.6 Accountability
2.3.7 Judicial institutions
2.3.8 Active civil society
2.3.9 Civic education
2.3.10. International principle
2.4	The application of international voting procedures
2.4.1	State ascension to treaties and declaration
2.4.2	The principle of good faith over restrictions
2.4.3	The principle of inclusiveness
2.4.4	Ensuring   the Right and Opportunity   to Vote
2.4.5	The principle of eligibility
2.4.6	The principle of transparency
2.5	Challenges in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda
2.5.1	Political   participation   and   governmental   accountability
2.5.2	Rules of the game
2.5.3	Corruption and clientelism:
2.5.4	Popular expectations and state capacity
2.5.5	Elite reversals
2.5.6	Elections are not one-day events.
2.5.7	Domestic, long-term observation is where the emphasis should lie.
2.5.8	Uncontested good.
2.5.9	Political instability
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
3.1 Research approach
3.3. Study Population
3.3.1. Target Population
3.3.2. Accessible Population
3.4. Sample Size
3.5. Sampling Techniques
3.5.1. Simple Random
3.5.2. Purposive Sampling
3.6. Data Collection Methods
3.6.1. Questionnaire method
3.6.2. Interviews
3.6.3.   Documents
3.7. Data Collection Instruments
3.7.1.    Self-administered Questionnaires
3.7.2. Interview Guide
3.7.3. Documentary Review Checklist
3.8. Data quality control
3.8.1. Validity
3.8.2. Reliability
3.9. Procedure for data collection
3.10. Data Analysis
3.10.1. Qualitative Data Analysis
3.10.2. Quantitative Data Analysis
3.11. Ethical Considerations
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
4.0. Introduction
4.1. Background information
4.1.1 Gender
4.1.2 Age of the respondents
4.1.3 Education Level of respondents
4.1.4 Duration of stay at Entebbe Municipality
4.2. Objective one: The democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedure
4.2.1. Structured institutions and electoral systems
4.2.2 All the people the right to choose their leaders.
4.2.3 Free and fair elections
4.2.4 Transparency during the voting process.
4.2.5. Public accountability in the voting process.
4.2.6 Civil societies are allowed to participate in the electoral process in Uganda.
4.2.8 There are judicial institutions to review the voting exercise.
4.3. Objective two:  The application of international voting procedures in Uganda
4.3.1 Based on the international treaties and declaration.
4.3.2 Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith
4.3.3 Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise
4.3.4 Uganda has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen
4.3.5 Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process
4.3.6 Implementaion of the principle of transparency…..
4.4. Objective Three: Challenges faced in strengthening democracy in Uganda.
4.4.4 The influence Political participation
4.4.5 Popular expectations and state capacity
4.4.6 Corruption among the electoral actors.
4.4.7 Lack of governmental accountability
4.4.8 Inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting
4.4.9 Weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law.
4.4.10 Ignorance from the public
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMANDATIONS
5.0 Introduction
5.1. Summery of findings
5.1.1 The democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedure
5.1.2 The application of international voting procedures in Uganda
5.1.3 Challenges faced in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda
5.3 Conclusions
5.4 Recommendations
5.4 Areas for further research
REFERENCES
APPENDICES

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3. 1: Showing sample Size and population categories
Table 4.1: Gender
Table 4.2: Age group
Table 4.3: Education Level attended
Table 4.4: Period of stay in Entebbe Municipality
Table 4.5: Structured institutions and electoral systems
Table 4.6: All the people the right to choose their leaders
Table 4.7: Free and fair elections
Table 4.8: Ensuring transparency during the voting process.
Table 4.9: Public accountability in the voting process
Table 4.10: Allowing Civil societies to participate in the electoral process in Uganda
Table 4.11: There are judicial institutions to review the voting exercise.
Table 4.12: Based on the international treaties and declaration.
Table 4.13: Appling the principle of good faith during its electoral process.
Table 4.14: Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise
Table 4.15: The right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen
Table 1.16: Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process.
Table 4.17: Implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections.
Table 6.4: The influence Political participation
Table 4.23: Popular expectations and state capacity
Table 4.24: Corruption among the electoral actors
Table 4.25: Lack of governmental accountability
Table 4.26: Inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting
Table 4.27: whether weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law
Table 4.28: Ignorance from the public

ABSTRACT

The study was about assessing the applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Uganda: a case study of Entebbe Municipality, Uganda. The study was guided by the following objectives: To assess the democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedures in Entebbe Municipality, to examine the application of international voting procedures in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality and to establish challenges in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality.

This study adopted a case study design with both qualitative and quantitative approaches; It used a population 424 and a sample Size of 206. Simple Random and purposive sampling were used to select the sample. Self-administered questionnaire and interview guide were the main data collection instruments

The study revealed that, there are structured institutions the electoral systems, all the people the right to choose their leaders, there always free and fair elections, ensuring transparency during the voting process, Public accountability is always shown the voting process, Civil societies are allowed to participate in the electoral process and there are judicial institutions to review the voting exercise.  It was further discovered that, the electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration, Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith, follows the principle of inclusiveness, has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen, embraced the principle of eligibility during the voting process and implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections. It also revealed that, the influence of political participation, popular expectations and state capacity, corruption among the electoral actors, inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting, ignorance from the public and weak institutions are some of the challenges o strengthening democracy in Uganda. 

The study recommended that, Ugandan government and grass root organizations must implement a nationwide education and early response network to quell violence before it spread meaning that hate speech, libel, slander or any form of defamatory utterances as well as insinuations and inflammatory statements must also be put on check. Legal and judicial reform should become a core component of a democracy‘s governance portfolio, which should be primarily motivated by the government with finding durable solutions to elections and electioneering period. Enhancing good governance entails ensuring the effective separation of powers and the government of Uganda should address the factors underpinning the political independence of the judiciary, guaranteeing the impartial administration of justice and reducing the opportunities for discretionary authority.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1	Overview 
This chapter contains the background to the study, problem statement, purpose of the study, study objectives, research questions, scope of the study, and significance of the study.
1.2	Background to the study
This subsection presents the background to the study divided into four perspectives historical, theoretical, conceptual and contextual
1.2.1	Historical background
At the global level, every continent and country has gone through unique political and electoral experiences, specifically elections that have shaped their democratic development (Banks, 1995). In Europe, for instance, the French went through brutal wars to ensure that the rights of the citizens to participate in affairs of their country were secured.  The  same  happened  in  other  European  countries,  as  well  as  in  the Americas (Nohlen, 2009). After the Second World War, many African countries (French and British colonies) went through political developments which led them to internal autonomy and independence. Although elections had taken place previously in some African countries like South Africa, it was only through the post-World War development that the electoral processes and the right to vote became widely distributed in African countries.   The colonial powers gave way to the participatory demands of the local elites in Africa, who then in turn used the elections to mobilize support against colonial rule (Golder, 2005).
According to Horowitz (2003), Africa began the final decade of the 20th century with a wave of democratic movements that swept away authoritarian regimes which seemed firmly entrenched into governance systems. Majority of African states have held legislative and presidential multiparty elections since the onset of the 1980s, an indication that Africa has beyond doubt made remarkable strides towards achieving fully fledged democracy (Okpalike & Gabriel, 2002). For a majority, fourth and fifth elections have now been convened, suggesting that regularized elections have become the modus operandi:  Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Uganda and Congo to cite but a few, are some of the states practicing pluralism (the acknowledgment of diverse political systems; better understood as multi-partyism). This though may be attributable to international emphasis, demand and funds for elections, the internal pressure for democracy, and the need to legitimize the rule of law, and because elections provide a means of distributing power evenly within coalitions, parties and movements (Okpalike & Gabriel, 2002), most of these elections, however, have been more often than not, marred by irregularities that almost rendered elections meaningless as will be revealed in discussions herein.
Since democracy means rule of, for and by the people, the electorate are able to choose politicians they want to represent their interest in government through elections (Platnner, 2013). Although African history has it that it is difficult to hold elections that are completely free and fair (Platnner, 2013). Lindberg has shown that even when elections leave a lot to desire in terms of freedom and fairness, the process of repeated, competitive elections tend to generate a momentum for greater democratization. Arguably, however, both scholars and members of the international community may have put too much faith in the model of democratization through elections. Hypothetically speaking, Africa‘s multiparty elections have not produced anything but minimalist democracies (Suppes, 2005).
Strauss, Anselm & Juliet, 2007) argues that the electoral system of any given country plays a fundamental role in sustaining and molding the political behavior of its citizens. The dignity, way and manner in which elections are conducted in a country go a long way to determine the level of political culture, political participation and good governance in the country. These assertions give a clue to the importance of good and healthy electoral system in a country. Elections have been an integral part of African politics since political independence. Between 1950 and 1998, Africa was witness to 18 elections to constitutional assemblies, 186 presidential elections and 311 parliamentary elections. In addition, there were 115 referendums. The competitive character and the political function of elections vary widely, depending on the country and the phase of political development (Norris, 2002).
1.2.2	Theoretical background
This study was underpinned by the social choice theory (commonly referred to as the voting theory), started by Arrow Kenneth in 1963, who advanced it following his introduction of the impossibility theorem in 1951 (Arrow, 1951). Using different metrics such as interests, values and welfare, social choice theory aims to determine the optimal rules of structuring a fair voting framework. Social choice theory or voting theory is a theoretical framework for analysis of combining individual opinions, preferences, interests, or welfares to reach a collective decision or social welfare in some sense (Arrow, 1951).The Social theory defines the voting system or electoral system, which consists of the set of rules which must be followed for a vote to be considered valid, and how votes are counted and aggregated to yield a final result. The voting or electoral system is a method by which voters make a choice between candidates, often in an election or on a policy referendum. Common voting systems are majority rule, proportional representation or plurality voting system with a number of variations and methods such as first-past-the-post or preferential voting. The social choice theory was applied to explain the mixed electoral systems approach in attempt   to   combine   the   positive   attributes   of   both plurality/majority and proportional representation electoral systems. In a mixed system, there are two electoral systems using different formulae running alongside each other. The votes are cast by the same voters and contribute to the election of representatives under both systems. One of those systems is a plurality/majority system, usually a single-member district system, and the other a list proportional representation (PR) system (Mustapha & Whitfield, 2009). (Mustapha  & Whitfield, 2009), in their electoral studies, noted that to a great extent mixed systems maintain the independent effects of public relations tiers in countries with established party systems. 
1.2.3	Conceptual Background
According to Earl-Babbie (2013), International electoral standards are universal principles and guidelines to promote genuine democratic election processes, they have evolved from protocols, declarations, treaties, and other international instruments that safeguard democracy and human rights. The international electoral standards refers to the international rules, procedures and activities relating to the appointment of electoral members, the selection and training of staff, constituency delimitation, voters education, registration of voters, balloting, counting of ballots, resolution of electoral disputes, declaration of results (Earl-Babbie, 2013). According to European Union (2016) the electoral process relates to the entire cycle ranging from the provision of voter education to the dissolution of the National Assembly. The value of an election to a democracy is either enhanced or reduced depending on the nature of electoral system being used. Whereas an election is basically a process of choosing leaders, an electoral system is a method or instrument of expressing that choice and translating votes into parliamentary seats. 
Tilt (1993) defined democracy as “regime in which the governmental offices are filled as a consequence of contested elections’. He suggested that only “if the opposition has the chance of winning and assuming office is a regime democratic”. Huntington (1991) defines democracy as: a political system that exist to the extent its most powerful collective decision makers are selected through fair, honest and periodic elections in which candidates freely compete for votes, and in which virtually all the adult population is eligible to vote (Huntington 1991, cited in Donnell, 2001). He added that democracy also implied the existence of civil and political rights to freedom of speech and assembly that are necessary for political debate and start the conduct of electoral campaigns. Democratic  elections  are  not  merely  symbolic,  they  are  competitive,  periodic,  inclusive, definitive elections in which the chief decision makers in a government are elected by citizens who enjoy broad freedom to criticize government, to publish their criticism and to present alternatives (Biezen, 2004).
1.2.4	Contextual Background
According to Kanyeihamba (2006) the first national election in Uganda was the Uganda National Assembly election of 1962. An alliance between the Uganda People's Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka (KY) won the majority of parliamentary seats, and formed Uganda's first post-independence government with Obote as executive Prime Minister.  A period of dictatorship and political strife, including the tenures of Idi Amin, Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, meant no elections were held until the presidential election of December 1980. Obote was pronounced the winner amid bitter dispute and allegations of electoral fraud. Yoweri Museveni, one of the presidential aspirants, declared an armed rebellion, and waged a guerrilla war (the Ugandan Bush War) against the government of Obote. Museveni's National Resistance Army (NRA) took power in 1986 from the government of Gen. Tito Okello Lutwa who had six months earlier toppled Obote's UPC government in a July 27, 1985 military coup, making him President (Kanyeihamba, 2006).
National Resistance Movement (NRM) created a form of "no-party democracy", banning political parties from fielding candidates directly in elections. In the "no-party" presidential election in 1996, Museveni defeated Paul Ssemwogerere and Mohamed Mayanja by a landslide. Although international and domestic observers described the vote as valid, both the losing candidates rejected the results. In the following presidential election, held in 2001, Museveni won by a substantial majority, with Kizza Besigye as the only real challenger. Despite a protest against the results, citing massive voter intimidation and rigging, the outcome was accepted by the Supreme Court of Uganda (Kiiza, 2008).
In the 2005 constitutional referendum, Ugandans voted to restore a multi-party political system, lifting the 19-year restriction on the activities of political parties. The 2006 general election was the first multiparty election in 25 years. Museveni won 59% of the presidential vote, and his party, the National Resistance Movement, won the majority of parliamentary seats (Kiiza, 2008).
According to Makara (2009), all these rights must be respected in totality for people to enjoy human rights in the electoral processes. This is not to say that other rights are not important. In view of this, undue curtailment of any rights related to electoral processes will invariably affect the others, ultimately defeating the aim of protection and promotion of human rights. It is a requirement that human rights principles and standards are consistently respected because the process is as critical as the outcome of the elections. Therefore, violation of some human rights in the quest to realize others is prohibited.
1.3	Problem statement
According to article 21 of UDHR provides that everyone has the right to take part in the government of his or her country directly or free chosen representatives. Article I of the ICCPR and ICESCR provide for the right to free self-determination and as such, international standards require political participation to be free to allow citizens to determine their political systems. Article 21 (3) and 25 of the UDHR , the democratic features of elections are set as free and fair elections and voting procedures should be easy so as to encourage voter participation as well as each voter must carry the same value, weight and many rights. However, this has been the opposite in Uganda, for example, in Entebbe Municipality; the Parliamentary results were nullified due to claims that, the results declared were not matching with the voters’ register at Entebbe polling station, in addition, HURINET-U documented cases of open partisanship by a section of police officers thought the entire electoral process. In Bushenyi, crime preventers were cited at Kazinda police post being addressed and receiving NRM T-shirts from police. In Ntugamo, SSembabule, Kampala, Mbarara, Kabale and Bulisa District a section of security personnel were witnessed aiding candidates aligning to the ruling party against their opponents and on many occasions beating up those who were not supporting the incumbent. The police release report on 17th February 2016 in indicated that Elias Kwesiga was shoot dead in Wandegeya on February 16, 2016 as Dr. Kiiza Besigye was heading for rally at Makerere University. During the 2016 elections, many places in Kampala started voting at 2.00 PM and yet some places which were very far away from the city center started on time, citing an element of discrimination and malpractices. Amidst the mentioned problems and those left out, the question is then, is the applicability of international electoral standards democracy in Uganda?, many Ugandans have mixed minds while answering this question. Therefore, this research has come to answer that question by assessing the applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Uganda, particularly looking at Entebbe Municipality.
1.4. Purpose of the study
The purpose of the study is assessing the applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Uganda
1.4.1	Specific objectives
i.	 To assess the democratic features in Uganda’s  voting procedures in Entebbe Municipality
ii.	To examine the application of international voting procedures in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality
iii.	To establish challenges in  strengthening  Democracy through voting in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality
1.5	Research Questions
i.	What are the democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedures in Entebbe Municipality?

ii.	How are international voting procedures applicable in Uganda’s democracy in Entebbe Municipality?
iii.	What are the challenges in strengthening Democracy through voting in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality?
1.6	Scope of the study
The scope of the study is divided into three sections; the content scope, geographical scope and time scope as indicated below:
1.6.1	Content scope
The study focuses on assessing the democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedures in Entebbe Municipality, the application of international voting procedures in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality and challenges in strengthening Democracy through voting in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality.
1.6.2	Geographical scope
The study took place in Entebbe Municipality which is found in Wakiso district. It is Entebbe municipality because it is one of the places that had voting problems almost in all the elections that have been held during the NRM government.
1.7.3	Time scope
The study covered a period of five years from 2015-2019, because in these years we have been having elections at political parties’ level, general elections in 2016 and the bye elections that have been held in these years.
1.7	Justification of the study 
The research enhanced the relevance of the various reforms which have been held by electoral body in Uganda.
The study is expected to contribute to the existing body of knowledge of Democracy especially through voting. 
The research shall serve as a reference material for scholars, researchers and others.

1.9	Conceptual Framework

Source: Researcher 2019 

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1.      Introduction
This chapter presents the relevant literature that was referenced to for the study. It contains the theoretical review, the conceptual review, a review of literature objective by objective, and a summary of all literature reviewed as well as gaps identified and lessons learnt.
2.2. Theoretical Review
This study was underpinned by the social choice theory (commonly referred to as the voting theory), started by Kenth Arrow, who originated the study following his introduction of the impossibility theorem in 1951. Using different metrics such as interests, values and welfare, social choice theory aims to determine the optimal rules of structuring a fair voting framework. Social choice theory or voting theory is a theoretical framework for analysis of combining individual opinions, preferences, interests, or welfares to reach a collective decision or social welfare in some sense (Arrow, 1963).
In this theory, individual opinions, interests and preferences are taken to be the starting point of analysts of the theory. However to the researcher these three factors are individual views which differ from one to person to another, so they cannot be based on to make a final decision or choice.
Pioneered in the 18th century by Nicolas de Condorcet and Jean-Charles de Borda and in the 19th century by Charles Dodgson (also known as Lewis Carroll), social choice theory took off in the  20th  century with  the  works  of  Kenneth  Arrow,  Amartya  Sen,  and  Duncan  Black.  Its influence extends across economics, political science, philosophy, mathematics, and recently computer science and biology. The two scholars most often associated with the development of social choice theory are the Frenchman Nicolas de Condorcet (1743–1794) and the American Kenneth Arrow (born 1921). Condorcet (1785) anticipated a key theme of modern social choice theory: “majority rule is at once a plausible method of collective decision making and yet subject to some surprising problems. Resolving or bypassing these problems remains one of social choice theory's core concerns.” While Condorcet had investigated a particular voting method (majority voting), Arrow, introduced a general approach to the study of preference aggregation. Arrow considered a class of possible aggregation methods, which he called social welfare functions (Suppes, 2005).
The theory emphasizes the majority rule as a plausible method of collective decision making. But according to the researcher, there are so many decisions that are made by the majority rule when they are erroneous. For example recently the parliament of Uganda made a decision of giving an investor 1.6 trillion for the construction of Lubowa hospital. The theory does not give option to the minority views which at times are correct.
The theory of social choice considers the problem of aggregating the preferences of the members of a given society in order to derive a social preference that represents this society or community. The social preference is to express the general will, the common good as it were. The general will can be viewed as the basis for the very existence of any society. Economists argue that the common good finds its expression in a so-called social welfare function which, described more mundanely, represents a compromise among divergent interests of those who belong to society. The market mechanism cannot be taken as a social welfare function since it is not guided by moral or ethical principles in any deeper sense. A market allocation heavily depends on the initial endowments of the individuals. These possessions determine the power or weakness of the individual agents. This implied that Social choice theory depends upon the ability to aggregate, or sum up, individual preferences into a combined social welfare function. Individual preference can be modeled in terms of an economic utility function. The ability to sum utility functions of different individuals depends on the utility functions being comparable to each other; informally, individuals' preferences must be measured with the same yardstick. Then the ability to create a social welfare function depends crucially on the ability to compare utility functions. This is called interpersonal utility comparison. Following Jeremy Bentham, utilitarians have argued that preferences and utility functions of individuals are interpersonally comparable and may therefore be  added  together  to  arrive  at  a  measure  of  aggregate  utility.  Utilitarian ethics call for maximizing this aggregate (Burns, 2005).
According to the theory, the general will can express the common good.  The researcher conquers with the theory because the common good is either what is shared and beneficial for all or most members of a given community which on many occasions is what Ugandans always struggle to achieve. Even the social choice theory aims at achieving the social welfare of the society. Democracy and its principles in Uganda, according to the researcher, aims at bringing good governance, accountability and transparency which addresses the social welfare of Ugandans.
Robbins (1935) questioned whether mental states, and the utilities they reflect, can be measured and, a fortiori (a Latin expression meaning for an even stronger reason), interpersonal comparisons of utility as well as the social choice theory on which it is based. Consider, for instance, the law of diminishing marginal utility, according to which utility of an added quantity of good decreases with the amount of the good that is already in possession of the individual. It has been used to defend transfers of wealth from the "rich" to the "poor" on the premise that the former do not derive as much utility as the latter from an extra unit of income. Robbins (1935) argues that this notion is beyond positive science; that is, one cannot measure changes in the utility of someone else, nor is it required by positive theory.
Apologists of the interpersonal comparison of utility have argued that Robbins claimed too much. Harsanyi (1987) agrees that full comparability of mental states such as utility is never possible but believes, however, that human beings are able to make some interpersonal comparisons of utility because they share some common backgrounds, cultural experiences, etc. In the example from Sen (1970), it should be possible to say that Emperor Nero's gain from burning Rome was outweighed by the loss incurred by the rest of the Romans. Harsanyi (1987) and Sen (1970), thus argue that at least partial comparability of utility is possible, and social choice theory proceeds under that assumption. Sen (1970) proposes, however, that comparability of interpersonal utility need not be partial. Under Sen's theory of informational broadening, even complete interpersonal comparison of utility would lead to socially suboptimal choices because mental states are malleable – for example, a starving peasant may have a particularly sunny disposition and thereby derive high utility from a small income. This fact should not nullify, however, his claim to compensation or equality in the realm of social choice. Social decisions should accordingly be based on immalleable factors. Sen (1970) proposes interpersonal utility comparisons based on a wide range of data. His theory is concerned with access to advantage, viewed as an individual's access to goods that satisfy basic needs (e.g., food), freedoms (in the labour market, for instance), and capabilities. We can proceed to make social choices based on real variables, and thereby address actual position, and access to advantage. Sen's method of informational broadening allows social choice theory to escape the objections of Robbins, which looked as though they would permanently harm social choice theory.
The Social Choice theory was used to explain mixed electoral systems approach in use in the Republic  of  Uganda  by  combining  the  positive  attributes  of  both  plurality/majority  and proportional representation (PR) electoral systems. In a mixed system, there are two electoral systems using different formulae running alongside each other. The votes are cast by the same voters and contribute to the election of representatives under both systems. One of those systems is a plurality/majority system, usually a single-member district system, and the other a list proportional representation (PR) system (Moser and Scheiner, 2004).
2.3	The democratic features practiced in Uganda’s voting processes
2.3.1	Well-structured institutions	
According to Bormann and Matt Golder (2013), Democracy is based on the existence of well-structured and well-functioning institutions, as well as on a body of standards and rules and on the will of society as a whole, fully conversant with its rights and responsibilities. Uganda’s electoral commission has all this, but there are challenges especially for making people to know their rights and at times what to do. To the researcher this is one of the reasons that has affected democracy in Uganda for example the parliament of Uganda has on many occasions decided issues that are against the will of the electorate.
It is for democratic institutions to mediate tensions and maintain equilibrium between the competing claims of diversity and uniformity, individuality and collectivity, in order to enhance social cohesion and solidarity (Collier, Paul. 2009). However to the researcher, in Uganda these institutions do their work but due to lack of separation of powers, sometimes they fail to perform their work due to interference from the executive.

2.3.3	Rights of all people
According to Dovi, S. ‘Hanna Pitkin, (2016), Democracy is founded on the right of everyone to take part in the management of public affairs; it therefore requires the existence of representative institutions at all levels and, in particular, a Parliament in which all components of society are represented and which has the requisite powers and means to express the will of the people by legislating and overseeing government action.The researcher conquers with Hanna because this is a fundamental freedom under democracy that is why this is practiced in Uganda, whereby every place sends a representative to the parliament although these representatives instead of representing the people they represent themselves.
2.3.4	Free and fair elections
According to European Union (2016), the key element in the exercise of democracy is the holding of free and fair elections at regular intervals enabling the people's will to be expressed. These elections must be held on the basis of universal, equal and secret suffrage so that all voters can choose their representatives in conditions of equality, openness and transparency that stimulate political competition. To that end, civil and political rights are essential, and more particularly among them, the rights to vote and to be elected, the rights to freedom of expression and assembly, access to information and the right to organize political parties and carry out political activities. Party organization, activities, finances, funding and ethics must be properly regulated in an impartial manner in order to ensure the integrity of the democratic processes. In Uganda every after five years we always go to polls to vote new leaders, however to the researcher most of the time these elections are always contested for not being free and fair. But also the ground is not leveled for all parties in elections in Uganda. 
2.3.5	State Transparency
According to Golder, Matt.  (2005) transparency is an essential function of the State to ensure the enjoyment of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights to its citizens.  Democracy thus goes hand in hand with an effective, honest and transparent government, freely chosen and accountable for its management of public affairs.According to the researcher, the politics of Uganda is full of politicians who are not trustworthy you cannot trust what they say. The legislators have passed laws which are not from the people they represent from their constituencies. 
2.3.6	Accountability
Public accountability, which is essential to democracy, applies to all those who hold public authority, whether elected or non-elected, and to all bodies of public authority without exception.  Accountability entails a public right of access to information about the activities of government, the right to petition government and to seek redress through impartial administrative and judicial mechanisms(Barkan, 1995).The researcher points out that this is one of the biggest challenges in Uganda, government officials are too corrupt and we have seen many being sent to prison. Billions and billions of Ugandans shillings have been stolen affecting the development of the state.
2.3.7	Judicial institutions
According to Goodwill G., (2006), Judicial institutions and independent, impartial and effective oversight mechanisms are the guarantors for the rule of law on which democracy is founded.  According to the researcher, in order for these institutions and mechanisms to fully ensure respect for the rules, improve the fairness of the processes and redress injustices, there must be access by all to administrative and judicial remedies on the basis of equality as well as respect for administrative and judicial decisions both by the organs of the State and representatives of public authority and by each member of society.
2.3.8	Active civil society
According to Goodwill, (2006), the existence of an active civil society is an essential element of democracy, the capacity and willingness of individuals to participate in democratic processes and make governance choices cannot be taken for granted.  It is therefore necessary to develop conditions conducive to the genuine exercise of participatory rights, while also eliminating obstacles that prevent, hinder or inhibit this exercise. To the researcher it is therefore indispensable to ensure the permanent enhancement of, inter alia, equality, transparency and education and to remove obstacles such as ignorance, intolerance, apathy, the lack of genuine choices and alternatives and the absence of measures designed to redress imbalances or discrimination of a social, cultural, religious and racial nature, or for reasons of gender.
2.3.9	Civic education
A sustained state of democracy thus requires a democratic climate and culture constantly nurtured and reinforced by education and other vehicles of culture and information. Hence, a democratic society must be committed to education in the broadest sense of the term, and more particularly civic education and the shaping of a responsible citizenry.
2.3.10.	International principle
Democracy must also be recognized as an international principle, applicable to international organizations and to States in their international relations.   The principle of international democracy does not only mean equal or fair representation of States; it also extends to the economic rights and duties of States.The principles of democracy must be applied to the international management of issues of global interest and the common heritage of humankind, in particular the human environment. To preserve international democracy, States must ensure that their conduct conforms to international law, refrain from the use or threat of force and from any conduct that endangers or violates the sovereignty and political or territorial integrity of other States, and take steps to resolve their differences by peaceful means (Goodwill, 2006).
A democracy should support democratic principles in international relations.  In that respect, democracies must refrain from undemocratic conduct, express solidarity with democratic governments and non-State actors like non-governmental organizations which work for democracy and human rights, and extend solidarity to those who are victims of human rights violations at the hands of undemocratic regimes. In order to strengthen international criminal justice, democracies must reject impunity for international crimes and serious violations of fundamental human rights and support the establishment of a permanent international criminal court.
2.4	The application of international voting procedures
2.4.1	State ascension to treaties and declaration
According to Dovi (2016), International principles for democratic     voting    have    been    increasingly recognized   in recent years.  State   acceptance    of  principles    concerning    democratic elections    is   evidenced    by   assent   to   treaties,    declarations    and   other   international instruments,"   by  decisions   in  international   legal  fora    and  by  what  is  now  a  general practice  of inviting  election observers  from intergovernmental   and nongovernmental organizations that  base  their  activities   on  respect   for  and  promotion   of  international human   rights.  Recognition    is also   evidenced   by publications of highly   respected institutions   and   publicists'"    in  the   field. In  effect,   state   practice    demonstrates consensual    participation    in   a  process    of   normative development,    where   electoral processes  are assessed  based  on principles  that  reflect  internationally   recognized  human rights and fundamental  freedoms (Thomassen, 2014).
2.4.2	The principle of good faith over restrictions
While  universal  and equal  suffrage,  exercised  through  the rights to vote  and to be elected,  may  be  subjected   to  reasonable   restrictions,   for  elections   to  be  "genuine"   the franchise  must  be extended  broadly.   Reasonable  restrictions  on the exercise  of electoral related   rights   must   be  imposed   only   in  good   faith   and  be  necessary    in  order   for governments   to  meet  their  obligations   to  respect   and  ensure  electoral   related  rights." Other  legal  principles   contained  in internationally   recognized  rights  reinforce  this point, including   the  right  to  equality   before   the  law,  equal  protection   of  the  law  and  the provision  of effective  remedies  required  to redress  violations  of rights (Norris,  2002). 
According to Thomassen, (2014) Similarly,    for   elections    to   be   genuinely    democratic,    other   internationally recognized  human  rights  must  also be broadly  exercised  in the electoral  context,  without discrimination   or unreasonable  restrictions,  including:
The   right   to   associate   into   political   organizations    (such   as  political   parties, candidate support    organizations     or   groups   favoring    or   opposing    referenda propositions);  The   right   to   peacefully    assemble    for   meetings,    rallies    and   to   otherwise demonstrate  support for electoral  competitors; The right to move freely to build electoral  support. The  right  to  be  free  of  the  threat  of  violence   or  other  coercion,   while  making political  choices  or exercising  political  expression; The right to hold political  opinions  without  interference; and The  right  to  freedom   of  political   expression,   including   the  freedom   to  seek, receive  and  impart  information   and  ideas  in  order  to  develop  informed   choices required  for "the free expression  of the will of the electors.
Each of these rights  is also applicable  for citizens  who choose  to associate  and act in   community    to   promote    electoral    integrity,    through    organizations    that   conduct nonpartisan    domestic   election   monitoring,    popular   education   about   electoral   related rights,   activities   to  encourage   participation    in  election   processes   and  similar   actions relating  to the rights to vote and to be elected (Levitsky, and Way, 2010).
The interrelationships   between  and among the right to genuine  elections  and other internationally   recognized   civil  and  political  rights  illustrates  that  democratic   elections must  be inclusive  both for citizens  who want to exercise  their  right to vote  and for those who   seek   to   be   elected.      An   anti-discrimination     norm   obliges   states   to   provide inclusiveness   in electoral processes.    The norm against  discrimination   takes the force of a principle   for  democratic   elections   as the  requirements   for universal   and  equal  suffrage combine  with the general  prohibition   against  discrimination,   the rights  to equality  before the law  and equal  protection  of the law  and the right to remedies  that  effectively  redress rights  violations.   Provisions   concerning   all of these concepts are found in international human rights instruments (Levitsky and Way, 2010).
2.4.3	The principle of inclusiveness
The principle of inclusiveness is a central   consideration    in the choice of a country's   electoral system."    While  there  are numerous  types  of electoral  systems  and possible   combinations   of  systems,  to  be  democratic,   the  principle   of  the  authority   of government  deriving  from the will of the citizens  expressed  through  universal  and equal suffrage  - is a prerequisite  that  must  be respected."    The principle of inclusiveness   also applies to the development   of the combination   of laws that make up the legal framework for   election   processes.   The   decision    making   process   concerning    the   structure, composition     and   powers    of   election    administration     also   must    be   a   subject    of inclusiveness,    because   that  governmental    body  has  to  demonstrate   that  it  is  free  of discrimination   towards  the electors  and the electoral  competitors  and that  it is capable  of "guaranteeing"    that  the  free  expression   of  the  will  of  the  electors   will  be  accurately recorded  and honored (Norris, 2002).
2.4.4	Ensuring   the Right and Opportunity   to Vote
In   addition   to   avoiding   unnecessary    restrictions,    the   inclusiveness    principle requires  countries  to identify  factors  that impede  citizens  from exercising  the right to vote and to take  positive  measures  to overcome  those  factors.   Positive  obligations   are based on  governments'    responsibility   to  provide   an  opportunity,   as  well  as  a  right,  to  vote without  discrimination   or unreasonable   restrictions (Dovi, Hanna Pitkin, 2016).
Positive   obligations   are illustrated   clearly   when   considering    electoral   related rights provided   in  the  ICCPR.     The  requirement   to  provide   a  genuine  opportunity   to exercise  electoral  related  rights  combines  with the ICCPR's   general  character  of creating immediate   obligations  for states  that  are parties  to the treaty   Governments   therefore should   take   steps  to  educate   people   about  their   electoral   related   rights   and  remove barriers  to participation   for those  traditionally   underrepresented   in election  processes  and participation    in  government   and  public   affairs,   such  as  women,   minorities   (including those  who  communicate   in minority   languages),   citizens  who  do not  read  or write  and those with physical  challenges  and disabilities."
2.4.5	The principle of eligibility
The inclusiveness principle   is the guiding force for the process of developing   a registry of voters."    The primary  purposes  of developing  a voter  registry  are: on the one hand, to maximize  the opportunity  for eligible  citizens  to vote, by pre-screening   them and reducing  election  day bureaucracy,   thus  promoting  universal  suffrage;  and,  on the  other hand,  to limit  the possibilities   for  ineligible  people  to vote  and  to limit  possibilities   for illegal multiple  voting, thus protecting  equal  suffrage  by preventing  dilution  of the weight of legally  cast ballots (Norris, 2002)."
Restrictions   on  the  right  and  opportunity   to  vote  must  be  limited  generally   to requirements    concerning   citizenship,   residency   and  minimum   age  (usually  the  age  of majority)   or  to  smaller   categories   of  citizens   relating   to  mental   incapacity,   criminal record  or present   service  in the  military  or  police"       The  trend  concerning   the  latter categories   is to broaden  the  franchise,   for  example,  by  requiring   a court  proceeding   to determine  that a person  does not have the capacity  to make  an informed  electoral  choice, by  allowing   military   and  police  personnel   to  vote  and  by  limiting  restrictions   on  the voting   rights   of   those   convicted    of   crimes   in   accordance    with   the   principle    of proportionality   of punishment  to the nature  of the crime (Levitsky, and Way, 2010).
2.4.6	The principle of transparency
A voter registration  process,  for example,  must  present  a genuine  opportunity  for citizens  to  appear  on the  registry  on  a nondiscriminatory    basis,  including   a reasonable chance  to inspect  and correct  the voter registry  before  elections  take place.   Likewise,  the location  of polling  stations  and supplies  provided  them must  offer citizens  a genuine  and equivalent   opportunity   to  cast  their   votes.     Governments    also  must   inform   citizens sufficiently  about these  and  other matters  relating  to the right to vote  (and to be elected) so that opportunities  presented  by law can be realized  in practice (Platnner, 2013)

According to Platnner, (2013) The principle  of transparency   in democratic   elections  is not predicated  solely  on such  deductions,   though   they  lead  logically   to  the  proposition   that  the  transparency principle   is  identifiable   in  the  penumbra   of  electoral   related   rights   found   in  treaty obligations  and other  state  commitments   concerning  genuine  elections.   The principle of transparency,   nonetheless,   is more directly based on internationally   recognized   human rights and fundamental freedoms. Providing the electorate and those seeking to be elected with sufficient, timely information  about  how,  when,  where  and other  requirements   for candidate  qualification, voter  registration,   voting   and  other   electoral   matters   (whether   referred   to  as  "voter education"  or by a broader  term) is essential  to ensuring  the opportunity  to freely exercise electoral  rights.   Positive obligations   discussed above under “Ensuring   the Right and Opportunity to Vote” apply in this respect.
2.5	Challenges in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda 
2.5.1	Political   participation   and   governmental   accountability   
Democracy tend to be characterized by populist politics, unaccountable delegative/strong-man leadership, and opaque decision-making processes. The resulting shallow political participation outside elections and weak governmental accountability lead to a sense of collective public frustration about what democracy can deliver and what can be achieved through formal political institutions (Horowitz, 2003).According to the researcher Uganda is a country where corruption is practiced and the perpetrators go unpunished. A lot of government projects have been frustrated due to corrupt officials who still all the money that would have been used for the projects.
2.5.2	Rules of the game 
As O’Donnell (1996) notes, in democracy, the rules of the game are contested, with formal and informal institutions coexisting in ways that are often not complementary. In short, there is no ‘institutionalized uncertainty’. The rule of law, which is intended to establish formal rules and regulations a priori to order political interactions and make politics more transparent and predictable, is, at best, applied unevenly. This means that the equality of citizens before the law cannot be guaranteed. All of these practices and dynamics lead to the further de-institutionalization of fragile democratic structures and to their ongoing deterioration. Democracy has faced so many setbacks in Uganda, most of the laws are made to fight the opposition, the supporters of the government are always favoured but whoever is against the government is always arrested and kept in prison.
2.5.3	Corruption and clientelism: 
Clientelistic structures and high levels of corruption often persist in democracy, especially when citizens have few means of holding elites to account except during election times. Elections themselves can be a source of corruption, since election campaigning is expensive, and politicians often seek to raise funds or win votes in various illicit ways (e.g. through government-controlled procurement processes) (Whitehead, 2002). According to the researcher the civil service often continues to suffer from a mix of ethnic/regional and political clientelism ranging from the creation of additional ministries to accommodate important support groups to the abuse of civil servants to rally support for incumbents during pre-election periods.
2.5.4	Popular expectations and state capacity 
State capacity remains persistently weak, but at the same time more actors demand to be included in the decision-making process and expect better services and enhanced state accountability. This dual dynamic reinforces the prospects for instability. The state may be overwhelmed by the new demands brought about by democratic pressures, and unable to respond adequately because it lacks the necessary institutional and administrative capacity, and even the legitimacy and credibility, to do so. As noted, the resulting disillusionment can be potentially destabilizing. Many of the elections that took  place  in  Latin  America  in  2006  also  reflected  this  growing  disillusionment  with (incomplete) democracy and pointed to the resurgence of populist candidates in the region (Rocha, 2006).
2.5.5	Elite reversals 
In a number of cases, reversals have been induced by political elites rather than by pressures from below. A number of presidents in these incipient democracies in the developing world have sought to reverse the term limits imposed on them by amending the constitutions adopted in the 1990s ((Norris, P., 2002). In Uganda, democratic reversals initiated by political elites have often been met with acquiescence from citizens. Political leaders have justified such reversals on the grounds that more authoritarian measures are needed to strengthen state, for example Uganda’s constitution has been changed several times like removal of the term limit and age limit, and this has greatly affected our democracy.
2.5.6	Elections are not one-day events. 
Voter registration, the unfolding of election campaigns and the resolution of disputes in the aftermath of the announcement of results all form part of the electoral process. International actors still place too much emphasis on election mechanisms and polling-day activities.
2.5.7	Domestic, long-term observation is where the emphasis should lie.  
First-generation elections, or the first multiparty elections, have given way to more complex scenarios where problems of democratic consolidation and the enhancement of the rule of law are significant factors. These developments necessitate greater emphasis on domestic, long-term observation and better, closer co-operation between  international  and  local  observer groups.
2.5.8	Uncontested good.
According to Platnner (2013), some political scientists question the notion that democracy is an "uncontested good." If we base our critique on the definition of democracy as governance based on the will of the majority, there can be some foreseeable consequences to this form of rule. For example, Fierlbeck points out that the middle class majority in a country may decide to redistribute wealth and resources into the hands of those that they feel are most capable of investing or increasing them. Machiavelli put forth the idea that democracies will tend to cater to the whims of the people, who then follow false ideas to entertain themselves, squander their reserves, and do not deal with potential threats to their rule until it is too late to oppose them. He put forth a cyclical theory of government where monarchies always decay into aristocracies that then decay into democracies, which decay into anarchy, then tyranny, then monarchy.
2.5.9	Political instability
More recently, democracy is   criticized for not offering enough political stability.  As governments are frequently elected on and off there tend to be frequent changes in the policies of democratic countries both domestically and internationally. Even if a political party maintains power, vociferous, headline grabbing protests and harsh criticism from the mass media are often enough to force sudden, unexpected political change. Coalitions are frequently formed after the elections in many countries and the basis of alliance is predominantly to enable a viable majority, not an ideological concurrence. This opportunist alliance not only has the handicap of having to cater to too many ideologically opposing factions, but it is usually short lived since any perceived or actual imbalance in the treatment of coalition partners, or changes to leadership in the coalition partners themselves, can very  easily  result  in  the  coalition  partner  withdrawing  its  support  from  the  government. Democratic institutions work on consensus to decide an issue, which usually takes longer than a unilateral decision (Platnner et al, 2013).

CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the methodologies that were used in the study. Specifically, it presents the research design, study population, sample size and sampling techniques, data collection methods, data collection instruments, validity and reliability approaches, procedure for data collection, data analysis techniques, and how the measurement of variables will be conducted.
3.1 Research approach
The researcher used both qualitative and quantitative researcher approaches.  According to (Gorard, 2003) quantitative research tends to be more exploratory in general. In addition, the quantitative approach is informed by inductive logic, in which potential understandings of a phenomenon with statistical figures are collected and analyzed.  The use of both methods ensured that the data is effectively interpreted using the numbers, figures as well as the narrative.
According to Joshua (1998) both qualitative and quantitative tends to be more exploratory in nature, seeking to provide insight into how individuals (or organizations, groups, etc.) understand aspects of their worlds.  The researcher used both qualitative and quantitative approaches of data collection and analysis so as to capture the details and adequate information. The use of both methods ensured that the data is effectively interpreted using the numbers, figures as well as the narrative.
3.2.   Research Design
Research design refers to the steps researchers follow to complete their study from start to finish. It includes asking research questions based on theoretical orientation, selection of respondents, data collection and reporting of the results (Marvasti, 2004). Similarly, Kumar (2005) defines a research design as a plan, structure, and strategy of investigation so conceived as to obtain answers to research question or problems. The plan is the complete scheme or program for the research. It involves plans for data collection, the instrument for gathering information, how information gathered would be processed and analyzed to give meaning to a research finding. Kumar (2005) posits that the function of a research design is to conceptualize an operational plan to undertake the various procedures and tasks required to complete a study, and to ensure that these procedures are adequate to obtain valid, objective and accurate answers to the research questions.
This study adopted a case study design. A case study is defined to be “an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real life context when the boundaries between phenomena and context are not clearly evident and in which multiple sources of evidence are used” Yin (1991). This method is chosen because it is valuable, has distinctive characteristics that include looking out for all the relevant evidence, looks at different interpretations of the situation, identifies the most significant aspects in the area under study and calls for  the use of the researcher's prior expert knowledge to further the analysis. It can also be used in combination with other methods.
3.3. Study Population	
Population consists of the entire items/units to which the study result is intended to be generalized. Parahoo (1997) defines population as the total number of units from which data can be collected such as individuals, air facts, events or organizations, while target population, as the total area of concern to the study from where the study result was generalized. The population of registered voters in Uganda was 16,576,242 (National Election Report, 2016).
3.3.1. Target Population
The targeted population is “the entire aggregation of respondents that meet the designated set of criteria” (Burns & Grove, 1997). The target population in this study constituted of all adults from 18 years of age and above living in the Republic of Uganda; in areas the researcher selected to conduct the study. The study population included electoral commissioners, Commission staff, some selected ordinary voters, and stakeholders in Entebbe Municipality elections. The population was accessed from organizational records such as human resources staffing list, electoral commission registration records databases, and from some of the periodical organization reports and minutes of meetings. All the participants in the population live in Entebbe Municipality.
3.3.2. Accessible Population
Jensen & Rodgers (2001) define accessible population as the number of potential respondents that the researcher is able to reach in the specified period of time using the available resources without affecting the intended outcome. The accessible population for this study from Entebbe municipality is 424 people from which a sample of 206 respondents was selected.
3.4. Sample Size
The sample size in this research was carefully selected based on respondent’s experience, age and knowledge of the subject or expertize. In explaining expertise, Brockoff (1975), argues that expert knowledge `can be proven by demonstration, or by resources to confirmation through third parties. From the elements of the study population that included electoral commissioners, Commission staff, some selected ordinary voters, and stakeholders in elections, appropriate samples were selected using Krejice & Morgan Formula (Krejice & Morgan, 1970) as detailed below.
The Slovene’s formula for determining sample size; 

N= Total target population
n= Required Sample Size	
e= Desired margin of error = 5%   
Table 3. 1: Showing sample Size and population categories
Category	Population(N)	Sample (n)	Sampling technique	
Commissioners of E.C	9	9	Purposive	
Directors   &Heads of

Departments  of E.C	15	12	Purposive	
Other Commission Staff	150	78	Simple Random	
Former candidates	50	26	Purposive	
Ordinary voters	200	81	Simple Random	
Total	424	206		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
3.5. Sampling Techniques
Simple random and purposive sampling techniques will be used in this study, as indicated in table 3.1 above.
3.5.1. Simple Random
Simple random sampling was used in this study to target employees and ordinary voters. This method was selected because it gives equal chance for any individual in the population to be picked to take part in a study (Sarantakos, 2005). The reason why simple random sampling was used is because it minimizes the bias on the side of the researcher while selecting respondents (Maxwell, 2005). In agreement with the above author, Babbie (2007) emphasizes that random sampling must be free of bias yet meeting the needs of the researcher. This method was used to target beneficiary and staff categories of respondents.
3.5.2. Purposive Sampling
The study used purposive sampling to target commissioners of EC, directors and heads of department of EC, and Former candidates. According Neuman (2006), purposive sampling is when the researcher specifically targets certain people due to their knowledge about the research subject. Purposive sampling aims to ensure that the researcher finds and engages resourceful respondents to enrich the study (Berg, 2008). In agreement, Strauss, Anselm, and Corbin (2007) assert that purposive sampling is especially necessary in technical and investigative studies, the reason why it was used.
3.6. Data Collection Methods
Data collection methods are ways through which the researcher gets data needed from the respondents (Patten & Mildred, 2001). This study used questionnaire survey and interviews according to Russell (2011) questionnaire surveys are less time-consuming and give the respondents  the  freedom  to  answer  the  way  they  feel  most  comfortable.  The study used interviews to collect data since they give opportunity to probe further for in-depth information (De Vaus, 2001).
3.6.1. Questionnaire method
Data was collected through questioning of respondents using questionnaire method. According to Guppy & Gray (2008) successful surveys depend on carefully executed data collection method. The authors added that in case of questionnaire survey, the researcher must ensure that questionnaires are easy to understand by the respondent and are not too long. In agreement, Nardi (2006) argues that questionnaires should be concise yet comprehensive.
3.6.2. Interviews
Data was collected through face to face interviews. Wengraf (2001) reveals that interviewing is an essential and simple way of data collection. In agreement, Amin (2005) argues that the advantage of using interview is that, it allowed on spot explanations, adjustments and variations that were introduced  during the data  collection  process  and  through  respondent’s  incidental comments, use of facial and body expressions, tone of voice, gestures, feelings and attitudes (Amin, 2005).
3.6.3.    Documents
Creswell (2008) indicates that documentary review focuses on documents that are internal and relevant to the organization that is being researched on. The author adds that documentary review should focus on finding supporting information that is specific to the organization under investigation in line with the study subject. The researcher reviewed books, relevant pamphlets, articles, magazines, the website, minutes for meetings, and reports which particularly talk about Uganda electoral commission and elections in the country.
3.7.       Data Collection Instruments
This section contains the various data collection instruments that were used in the study. Each of the instruments is explained in detail below.
3.7.1.    Self-administered Questionnaires
According to Mildred (2001) a questionnaire is a tool containing a set of questions which, if answered, helps the researcher get varied data about a specific subject under investigation. For a questionnaire to produce good data it must be valid (Patten & Mildred, 2001). Questionnaires were  used  to  avoid  subjectivity  that  results  from  close  contact  between  researcher  and respondent. The questionnaire was also used because it helps collect necessary information over a short time period less expensively (Fowler, 2008).
3.7.2. Interview Guide
According to Osborne (2008) an interview guide is list of thematic areas or issues that the research focuses on while engaging respondents during an interview. This was a list of key themes and question areas on which the face to face interviews focused. An interview guide was used to help the interviewer remained systematic and focused on relevant issues (Sarantakos, 2005).
3.7.3. Documentary Review Checklist
A  documentary  review  checklist  contains  a  record  of  the  various  documents  reviewed  for specific information about a research case (Yates, 2004). Prior to the study a documentary review checklist of documents about effective voting in strengthening democracy was developed. It contained relevant pamphlets, newspaper articles, organizational magazines, the organizational website, minutes for meetings, and reports from Uganda electoral commission.
3.8. Data quality control
This section explains how the study ensured that the research instruments were valid and data reliable.
3.8.1. Validity
Validity is the extent to which research instruments measure what they are intended to measure (Russell, 2011). The researcher used expert judgment of the supervisors and other reviewers to confirm the validity of the instruments. The relevance of each item in the research instruments to the research objectives was evaluated. In order to ensure the validity of the data collection instruments, the researcher after designing the instruments, presented them to the supervisor for comments and thereafter made necessary adjustments. 
3.8.2. Reliability
Reliability is the consistence of the measurement where by the results were not changed every time when testing is done in the same way with the same object. Therefore a measure was considered reliable when a person’s score on the same test is similar. On the reliability issue, 10% of the questionnaires was selected randomly and pre-tested to the few respondents in order to evaluate the data collected, and then any possible amendments was made. 
3.9. Procedure for data collection
Successful defense of the proposal was followed by getting a letter of introduction to the field for data collection. Data collection was done over a period of one month. In the first week data collection instruments were developed and pre-tested for validity and reliability before full application. Still in the first week, contacting and making appointments with respondents was done. In the second week, questionnaires were administered to selected respondents. This was done by two research assistants whose minimum qualification was a university degree. In the second week, interviews with key respondents were conducted. In the third week, all collected data was organized and sorted for correctness.
3.10. Data Analysis
Analysis of data is a process of inspecting, cleaning, transforming, and modeling data with the goal of discovering useful information, suggesting conclusions, and supporting decision-making (Gorard, 2003). According to Grbich (2007) analysis refers to breaking a whole into its separate components for individual examination. Data analysis is a process for obtaining raw data and converting it into information useful for decision-making by users. Data was collected and analyzed using frequencies and percentages to answer questions and disprove theories (Grbich, 2007).
3.10.1. Qualitative Data Analysis
Qualitative data analysis is the range of processes and procedures from the qualitative data that have been collected into some form of explanation, understanding or interpretation of the people and situations under investigation. Qualitative data analysis is usually based on an interpretative approach (Neuendorf, 2002). Qualitative data responses was transcribed, sorted and classified. The analysis was done manually and responses were summarized in a narrative form of presentation of the major findings of the study.  
3.10.2. Quantitative Data Analysis
Quantitative data analysis refers to a systematic approach to investigations during which numerical data was collected and/or the process through which the researcher transforms what was collected or observed into numerical data (Yin, 2008). Quantitative data was coded and presented in percentages and frequencies.  Descriptive statistics such as measures of agree and disagree rates were used to describe and summarize data.
3.11.     Ethical Considerations
Ethical considerations in research concern moral values and rules that must guide the research process. It is a motivation based on ideas of what is wrong and what is right (Glicken, 2002). Some of the ethical considerations in this research were: consent of respondents being sought from each respondent prior to engagement so that they should not feel coerced. Confidentiality is important to fuller interaction with respondents (Russell, 2011). Thus, all information given by respondents was handled with confidentiality. All addresses and contacts as well as names of respondents remained anonymous.
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYISI OF FINDINGS
4.0. Introduction
The chapter presents and discusses respondent’s perception about the applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Uganda. Data is presented following the study objectives however; it starts with the background information of respondents which include gender, age, academic qualification and period of stay. The researcher distributed 206 questionnaires but only 150 were filled and returned making the response rate of 72% and this was fair in according to Sekaran (2005) who states that, a response rate of 60% and above is considered appropriate.
4.1. Background information  
The background information focused on gender, number of years in the organization, age group, and departments in which the respondents work, and their qualifications. Details of the findings are presented below:
4.1.1 Gender
The study asked respondents to state their gender and the results are indicated in the table 4.1 below: 
Table 4.1: Gender
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	Male	90	60	60	
 	Female	60	40	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 90(60%) were male and 60(40%) were female. Majority of the respondents were males and this implied that males had enough time and were more willing to participate in research. In addition, majority of the politicians in Entebbe municipality were more males and this made them to be include in research than females.
4.1.2 Age of the respondents
The study asked respondents to state their age and the results are indicated in the table 4.2 below;
Table 4.2: Age group
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	Below 18-30	20	13.3	13.3	
 	31- 40 Years	80	53.3	66.6	
 	41-50 years
Above 50	40
10	26.7
6.7	93.3	
 	Total	150	100	100	
Source: Primary data (2019)
From the table above, 20(13.3%) were between the age brackets of 18-30 years, 80(53.3%) were between 31- 40years, 40(26.7%) were of 41-50 years and 5(6.7%) above 50 years. All the respondents were above 18 years and this implied that, they had knowledge about the history of applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Entebbe Municipality.   
4.1.3 Education Level of respondents
The study asked respondents were asked to state their level of education and the results are indicated in the table 4.3 below;

Table 4.3: Education Level attended
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	
Certificate and below
Diploma 	10
50	
7
33
	
7
40	
 	Bachelor’s Degree 	70	47	87	
 	Post graduate 	20	13	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
According to the table above, 10(7%) were Certificate and below, 50(33%) were Degree holders, and 70(47%) were post graduate holders and 20(13%). All the respondents had at least attained education levels and this implied that respondents would understand and interpret questions that were sent to them and thus they gave reliable data. 
4.1.4 Duration of stay at Entebbe Municipality
The researcher asked the respondents the period of stay at Entebbe Municipality and the results are indicated in the table 4.4 below

Table 4.4: Period of stay in Entebbe Municipality
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	1-3 years 	20	13.3	13.3	
 	4-6 years	40	26.7	40	
 	7-10 years 
10 and above	50
40	33
27	77
100	
 	Total	150	100		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
According to the table above, 20(13.3%) had stayed in Entebbe Municipality for 1-3 year, 40(26.7%) 4-6 years and 50(33%) for 7-10 and 40(27%) for above 10 years and above and this implied that the study considered people who were conversant with area of study they therefore, provided rightful information about the topic under study which was valid and reliable.  

4.2. Objective one: The democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedure 
This section presents the responses of respondents from the field as presented in the proceeding tables.
4.2.1. Structured institutions and electoral systems
The researcher asked respondents whether there are structured institutions and electoral systems and the results are indicated in the table 4.5 below: 
Table 4.5: Structured institutions and electoral systems
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	0	0	-	
 	Disagree	0	0	-	
 	Not Sure	20	13.3	13.3	
 	Agree	60	26.7	40	
 	Strongly Agree	90	60	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
According to the table above, 90(60%) strongly agreed, 40(26.7%) and 20(13.3%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied that Uganda has put up well-structured institutions with its electoral systems.  The study found out that, Uganda’s electoral commission has put in place all the structures that allow democratic voting practices, independent commissions and committees, rules and regulations, however, there are challenges especially in making people to know their rights and at times what to do.  This is in agreement with Bormann and Matt (2013) who argues that democracy is based on the existence of well-structured and well-functioning institutions, as well as the body of standards and rules and the will of society as a whole, fully conversant with its rights and responsibilities. The respondents said that, the electoral institutions do their work but due to lack of separation of powers, sometimes they fail to perform their work because of interference from the executive.
The study found out that, by allowing citizens to freely participate in electoral process that make them  choose their leaders willingly  is not just a means of achieving consensus, but also as an avenue to make them satisfied and to task their leaders accountable. 
4.2.2 All the people the right to choose their leaders.  
The study asked respondents whether all the people the right to choose their leaders and the results are indicated in the table 4.6:
Table 4.6: All the people have the right to choose their leaders  
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	30	20	26.7	
 	Not Sure	-	0	26.7	
 	Agree	20	13.3	40	
 	Strongly Agree	90	60	100	
 	Total	150	100		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
The table above indicates that, majority of the total respondents 90(60%) Strongly Agreed, 20(13.3%) agreed, 30(20%) disagreed and 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied that all the people the right to choose their leaders.  The study revealed that, Uganda allows everyone to participate in voting exercise, however it’s for only persons who are 18 and above years with the explanation that, at this age the person is mature enough to make good decision. This is accordance with international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) which states that “Every citizen shall have the right and the opportunity to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives and to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors”.  However, some voters in Entebbe municipality told the researcher that, some citizens below 18 years are not allowed to vote which they think its against their rights.  About 27% disagreed by noting that, not every Ugandan is allowed to participate in the electoral process, they cited the case of Nobert Mao, the Chairperson of Democratic party who was denied to participate in 2016 general election because he never had the national identity card.
The findings were in line with Gauja (2006) who states that, democracy is founded on the right of everyone to take part in the management of public affairs; it therefore requires the existence of representative institutions at all levels and, in particular, parliament in which all components of society are represented and which has the requisite powers and means to express the will of the people by legislating and overseeing government actions. The researcher conquers with Gauja (2006) because this is a fundamental freedom under democracy that is why it is practiced in Uganda, whereby every constituency and district sends a representative to the parliament although these representatives to a great extent perform below the people’s expectations.
4.2.3 Free and fair elections
The study asked respondents whether Uganda always carry out free and fair elections and the results are indicated in the table 4.7 below:
Table 4.7: Free and fair elections
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	0	0	-	
 	Disagree	40	26.7	26.7	
 	Not Sure	0	0	26.7	
 	Agree	90	60	86.7	
 	Strongly Agree	20	13.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
According to the table above, 20(13.3%), strongly agreed, 90(60%) agreed and 40(26.7%) Disagreed and 0(0%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied that Uganda always carry out free and fair elections.  The study revealed that, Uganda and in particular, Entebbe Municipality holds free and fair elections at regular intervals enabling the people's will to be expressed. The commissioner of the electoral commission of Entebbe Municipality told the researcher that, “elections are always held on the basis of universal, equal and secret suffrage so that all voters can choose their representatives in conditions of equality, openness and transparency that stimulate political competition”.
However, some respondents through the interviews told the researcher that, during the local council one elections 2018, they made them to line up behind their candidates which was not fair to them because it caused   enmity and even led to conflicts thereafter.  It was further discovered that, during the general election of 2016, some voters were harassed and arrested, social media communications were switched by the Uganda communication commission and some candidates especially the opposition were denied rallies within the city and these violated the rights to vote and to be elected, the rights to freedom of expression and assembly, access to information and the right to carry out political activities. 
Furthermore, leaders in Entebbe Municipality told the researcher that, “in Uganda every after five years they always go to polls to vote new leaders, however most of the time these elections are always contested for not being free and fair by both national and international observers”. 
4.2.4 Transparency during the voting process. 
The study asked respondents whether there is transparency during the voting process and the results are indicated in the table 4.8: 
Table 4.8: Transparency during the voting process
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percentage	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	50	33.3	33.3	
 	Disagree	40	26.7	60	
 	Not Sure	10	6.7	66.7	
 	Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Strongly Agree	-	-		
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly disagreed, 50(33.3%) agreed, 40(26.7%) disagreed and 5(6.7%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents disagreed and this implied that Uganda has always a limited degree of transparency during the voting process. The study found out that, democracy goes hand in hand with an effective, honest and transparent government, freely chosen and accountable for its management of public affairs. However, it was revealed that, Politics in Uganda is full of politicians who are not trustworthy on what they say for example The legislators have passed laws which are not from the people they represent like the Presidential age limit Bill.
4.2.5. Public accountability in the voting process.
The study asked whether public accountability is always shown in Uganda during its voting process and the results are presented in the 4.9 tables below: 
Table 4.9: Public accountability in the voting process
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative  Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	0	0	0	
 	Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Not Sure	10	6.7	13.4	
 	Agree	40	26.6	26.6	
 	Strongly Agree	90	60	100	
 	Total	150	100.0	100.0	
Source: Primary Data (2019)
From the table above, 90(60%) strongly agreed, 40(26.7%) agreed, 0(0%) strongly disagree, 10(6.7%) disagreed and 10(6.7%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that public accountability is always shown in the voting process.  The study found out that, accountability entails a public right of access to information about the activities of government which is always done through parliamentary seating, state of nation address, national budget reading and any other public gathering, the right to petition government and to seek redress through impartial administrative and judicial mechanisms in cases of vote rigging and electoral malpractice petitions through court hearing.
The study through interviews with the respondents found out that, accountability is one of the biggest challenges in Uganda, government officials are too corrupt and many of them are being sent to prison with the good example of the former principal accountant in the office of the Prime Minister Geoffrey Kazinda who was charged cases of misuse of funds and a lot of billions and billions of Ugandans shillings have been stolen affecting the development of the state.
4.2.6 Allowing civil societies to participate in the electoral process.
The study asked the respondents whether civil societies are allowed to participate in the electoral process and the results are indicated in the table 4.10 below:
Table 4.10: Allowing civil societies to participate in the electoral process
 	Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	20	13.4	13.4	
 	Disagree	90	60	73.4	
 	Not Sure	-	-	73.4	
 	Agree	40	26.6	100	
 	Strongly Agree	-	-	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
According to the table above, 40(26.7%) agreed, 20(13.4%) strongly disagreed and 90(60%) disagreed. Majority of the respondents disagreed and this implied that, to a large extent, civil societies are not allowed to participate in the electoral process in Uganda. According to Goodwill (2006) who states that, the existence of an active civil society is an essential element of democracy, the capacity and willingness of individuals to participate in democratic processes and make governance choices cannot be taken for granted. The local council leaders in Entebbe municipality through interviews stated that, “it is therefore necessary to develop conditions conducive to the genuine exercise of participatory rights, while also eliminating obstacles that prevent hinder or inhibit this exercise”. 
To the researcher, it is therefore indispensable to ensure the permanent enhancement of, inter alia, equality, transparency and education and to remove obstacles such as ignorance, intolerance, apathy, the lack of genuine choices and alternatives and the absence of measures designed to redress imbalances or discrimination of a social, cultural, religious and racial nature, or for reasons of gender in order to allow civil societies to participate in the electoral process.
4.2.8 Judicial institutions to review the voting exercise.
The study asked respondents whether there are judicial institutions in Uganda which review the voting exercise and the results are indicated in the table 4.11: 
Table 4.11: Judicial institutions to review the voting exercise.
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	40	26.7	33.4	
 	Not Sure	-	0	33.4	
 	Agree	50	33.3	66.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, 50(33.3%) agreed, 10(6.7%) strongly disagree and 40(26.7%) disagreed. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied that there are judicial institutions to review the voting exercise in Entebbe Municipality. 
It was discovered that, there are established lower and high courts in Entebbe municipality that ensures democracy in the electoral process and this is supported by Goodwill (2006) who argues that, judicial institutions are mechanisms that guarantees the rule of law on which democracy is founded.  However, in order for these institutions and mechanisms to fully ensure respect for the rules, improve the fairness of the processes and redress injustices, there must be access by all to administrative and judicial remedies on the basis of equality as well as respect for administrative and judicial decisions both by the organs of the state and representatives of public authority and by each member of society.
Respondents through interviews stated that “ the judicial institutions more especially the courts of justice are mostly accessible by rich people, for example the voters said that they have been complaining about the use money to buy votes during campaigns but nothing has been done” and this has affected the democratic electoral process in Uganda. 
4.3. Objective two:  The application of international voting procedures in Uganda
This section presents the respondents views on the application of international voting procedures in Uganda. The respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement and their responses are presented as the following:
4.3.1 The electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration.
The study asked respondents whether the electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration and the results are indicated in the table 4.12:
Table 4.12: The electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration.
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	-	0	0	
 	Disagree	20	13.3 	13.3 	
 	Not Sure	10	6.7	20	
 	Agree	40	26.7	46.7	
 	Strongly agree
Total	80
150	53.3
100.0	100
	
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 80(53.3%) strongly agreed, 20(26.7%) agreed, 10(13.3%) disagreed and 10(6.7%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied the electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration. The study found out that, Uganda is a member to the international   legal  fora    which is now the  general practice  of inviting  election observers  from intergovernmental   and nongovernmental organizations that  base  their  activities   on  respect   for  and  promotion   of  international human   rights, all international bodies such as UN, AU, neighboring countries and any other interested parties are always invited during the voting exercise.    This practice demonstrates consensual    participation    in   a process    of   normative development,    where   electoral processes are assessed based on principles that reflect internationally   recognized human rights.
4.3.2 Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith over restrictions during its electoral process 
The study asked respondents whether Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith over restrictions during its electoral process and the results are indicated in the table 4.13 below:
Table 4.13: Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith over restrictions during its electoral process.
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	40	26.3	33	
 	Not Sure	-	-	33	
 	Agree	70	47	80	
 	Strongly Agree	30	20	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
According to the table above, 70(47%) strongly agreed, 30(20%) agreed, 40(26.7%) disagreed, 10(6.7%) and 0(0%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that Uganda electoral system applies the principle of good faith over restrictions during its electoral process. 
The study revealed that, during Uganda’s electoral process, every citizen has the   right   to   associate   into   political   organizations    such   as political   parties (NRM, DP, FDC and many others), and candidate	support   organizations. They also have the   right   to   peacefully    assemble    for   meetings,    rallies    and   to   otherwise demonstrate support for electoral competitors; the right to move freely to build electoral support. They also have the  right  to  be  free  of  the  threat  of  violence   or  other  coercion, while  making political  choices  or exercising  political  expression.
However, the study through interviews also found out that, to some extent citizens have no right to hold political  opinions  without  interference for example during voting campaigns of 2016, some political opinion shows on Radios and Televisions were always canceled under the directive of Uganda communication commission, the  right  to  freedom   of  political   expression such as  the  freedom   to  seek, receive  and  impart  information   and  ideas was seen being undermined when all social medias were switched off during the voting process and this affects their good will in making   choices required  for the free expression.   This is because all these rights are applicable for citizens who choose to associate and act in   a community    to   promote    electoral    integrity. 
4.3.3 Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise
The study asked respondents whether Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise and the results are indicated in the table 4.14 below: 
Table 4.14: Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	-	-	-	
 	Disagree	40	26.7	26.7	
 	Not Sure	10	6.7	33.4	
 	Agree	20	13.3	42.7	
 	Strongly Agree	80	53.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
From the table above, 40(26.7%) disagreed, 20(13.3%) agree, 80(53.3%) strongly agreed and 10(6.7%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise. The study revealed that, human beings are very difficult to deal with and therefore, governmental  has  been demonstrating   that  voting is  free  of discrimination   towards  the electors  and the electoral  competitors  and the  will  of  the  electors   has been always recorded  and honored.  According to the Uganda’s electoral system, the majority vote decides the winner and this was derived from the will of the citizens  through  Universal  and equal suffrage which are always respected and the  combination   of laws that make  up the legal  framework for   election   processes has been developed.  
4.3.4 Uganda has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen
The study asks whether Uganda has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen and the results are indicated in the table 4.15 below:
Table 4.15: Uganda has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	10	6.7	13.4	
 	Not Sure	20	13.3	26.7	
 	Agree	60	40	66.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, 60(40%) agreed, 20(13.3%) were not sure, 10(6.7%) disagreed and 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied that Uganda has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen in Entebbe Municipality. The study also found out that, the government of Uganda provides the opportunity   as well as a right, to vote without discrimination. However, it was discovered that, the governments   has not fully  educated   people   about  their   electoral   related   rights, for citizens  who  do not  read  or write  have no chance to understand these right because all procedures are written in English.
4.3.5 Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process
The study asked respondents whether Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process. The results are indicated in the table 4.16 below:
Table 1.16: Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process.
 	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	-	-	-	
 	Disagree	20	13.3	13.3	
 	Not Sure	-			
 	Agree	40	26.7	40	
 	Strongly agree
Total	90
150	60
100.0	100	
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 45(60%) strongly agreed, 20(26.7%) agreed, 10(13.3%) disagreed. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process. The study found out that,  the voting process Uganda starts with developing   a registry  of voters with the aim of maximizing  the opportunity  for eligible  citizens  to vote, by pre-screening them and reducing  election  day bureaucracy and thus  promoting  universal  suffrage;  and,  on the  other hand,  to limit  the possibilities   for  ineligible  people  to vote  and  to limit  possibilities   for illegal multiple  voting, thus protecting  equal  suffrage  by preventing  dilution  of the weight of legally  cast ballots. Furthermore,  restrictions   on  the  right  and  opportunity   to  vote  are always  limited  to minimum requirements    concerning   citizenship (must be a Ugandan),   residency   and  minimum   age  (usually  18 and above years) and mental   capacity (must be to make independent decisions).      
4.3.6 Uganda has implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections. 
The study asked whether Uganda has implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections. The results are indicated in the table 4.17 below:
Table 4.17: Uganda has implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections.
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	10	6.7	13.4	
 	Not Sure	20	13.3	26.7	
 	Agree	60	40	66.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, 60(40%) agreed, 20(13.3%) were not sure, 10(6.7%) disagreed and 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed. Majority of the respondents agreed with the statement and this implied that Uganda has implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections.  The study found out that, the government always presents  a genuine  opportunity  for citizens  to  appear  on the  registry  on  a nondiscriminatory    basis which includes  reasonable chances  to inspect  and correct  the voter registry  before  elections  take place.  In addition, the location of polling stations and supplies always offer citizens a genuine and equivalent   opportunity   to cast their   votes.     
However, the study revealed that, at times some names of voters do not appear in the registry at the time of voting and others appear in the different polling stations. Some respondents from Kiwafu Village in Division B Entebbe Municipality told the researcher that, “they are always harassed during the voting exercise by the security personnel” and this undermines the principal of transparency and other electoral   related   rights   found   in treaty obligations  and other  state  commitments   concerning  genuine  elections.

4.4. Objective Three: Challenges faced in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda. 
Holding elections is multi-task because it involves different stakeholders and therefore, this section presents the challenges faced in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda. 
4.4.4 The influence Political participation 
The study asked respondents whether the influence Political participation is among the challenges for strengthening democracy through voting and the results are indicated in the table 4.22 below:
Table 6.4: The influence Political participation
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	10	6.7	13.4	
 	Not Sure	20	13.3	26.7	
 	Agree	60	40	76.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, 60(40%) agreed, 20(13.3%) were not sure, 10(6.7%) disagreed and 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that is among the challenges for strengthening democracy through voting. The study revealed that, democracy in Uganda is characterized by populist politics, unaccountable delegative leadership, and unpopular decision-making processes where the word “order from the above is always used”. Uganda is a country where corruption is practiced and the perpetrators go unpunished.  The electoral officials in Entebbe Municipality to the researcher that, “a lot of electoral projects such as electoral education and sensitization have been frustrated due to corrupt officials who steal all the money that would have been used for the projects”. 
4.4.5 Popular expectations and state capacity  
The study asked respondents whether popular expectations and state capacity in Entebbe Municipality is among the challenges for strengthening democracy through voting.  The results are indicated in the table 4.23 below:
Table 4.23: Popular expectations and state capacity  
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	-	-	-	
 	Disagree	20	13.3	13.3	
 	Not Sure	20	13.3	26.7	
 	Agree	20	13.3	40	
 	Strongly agree	90	60	100	
	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
From the table above, 90(60%) strongly agreed, 20(13.3%) agreed, 20(13.3%) disagreed and 20(13.3%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that is among the challenges for strengthening democracy through voting.  The study found out that during the electoral exercises, the government of Uganda is always overwhelmed by the new demands brought about by democratic pressures such as oppositions and other interested parties and unable to respond adequately because it lacks the necessary funds and administrative capacity and even the legitimacy and credibility to do so. Many of the elections that have taken place in Uganda reflect the growing disillusionment with incomplete democracy characterized by the delays of voting materials, under funding of electoral personnel and many others.
4.4.6 Corruption among the electoral actors.
The study asked respondents whether corruption among the electoral actors in Entebbe Municipality is among the challenges for strengthening democracy through voting and the results are indicated in the table 4.24: 
Table 4.24: Corruption among the electoral actors
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative  Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	--	-	-	
 	Disagree	50	33.3	33.3	
 	Not Sure	20	13.4	46.7	
 	Agree	30	20	66.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly disagreed, 20(13.4%) were not sure, 30(204%) agreed and 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that corruption among the electoral actors is among the challenges for strengthening democracy through voting.  The study found out that in Uganda, elections themselves are sources of corruption because election campaigning is expensive, and politicians always raise funds and win votes through illicit ways like government-controlled procurement processes. Respondents told the researcher that, 
“The civil service often continues to suffer from a mix of regional and political nepotism ranging from the creation of additional ministries and districts to accommodate important support groups to the abuse of civil servants to rally support for incumbents during pre-election periods and this have affected democracy.
4.4.7 Lack of governmental accountability 
The study asked respondents whether lack of governmental accountability is among the challenges democracy through voting.  The results are indicated in the table 4.25:
Table 4.25: Lack of governmental accountability
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	20	13.3	20	
 	Not Sure	-	-	20	
 	Agree	20	26.7	46.7	
 	Strongly agree	80	53.3	100	
	Total	75	100.0		
Source: primary data (2019)
From the table above, 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed, 20(26.7%) agreed, 20(13.3%) disagreed and 80(53.3%) strongly agreed. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that it is among the challenges democracy in Uganda through voting.  The study found out that, accountability is one of the biggest challenges in Uganda, government officials are too corrupt and billions and billions of Ugandans shillings which is supposed to support the electoral process have been stolen affecting the strengthening democracy through voting.
4.4.8 Inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting
The study asked respondents whether inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting is among the challenges democracy through voting in Uganda and the results are indicated in the table 4.26 below:
Table 4.26: Inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	40	26.7	33.4	
 	Not Sure	-	0	33.4	
 	Agree	50	33.3	66.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
According to the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, 50(33.3%) agreed, 40(26.7%) disagreed, 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed and 0(0%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting is among the challenges democracy through voting in Uganda.    The study discovered that in Uganda, the rule of law which is intended to establish formal rules and regulations to order political interactions and make politics more transparent and predictable is applied unevenly and this means that the equality of citizens before the law is not guaranteed. 
Democracy has faced so many setbacks in Uganda, most of the laws are made to fight the opposition, the supporters of the government are always favored but whoever is against the government is always arrested and kept in prison, the good example is where the police and other security organs disbands political rallies, meetings and any political gathering for opposition, some have been stopped to attend parties and burials and all these affects democracy.
In addition, the study through interviews with respondents revealed that, in Uganda, democratic reversals initiated by political elites have often been met with acquiescence from citizens, political leaders have justified such reversals on the grounds that more authoritarian measures are needed to strengthen state, for example Uganda’s constitution has been changed several times like removal of the term and age limit, and this has greatly affects the strengthening of democracy.
4.4.9 Weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law.
The study asked respondents whether weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law is among the challenges democracy through voting in Uganda and the results are indicated in the table 4.27: 

Table 4.27: whether weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law
	Frequency	Percent	Cumulative  Percent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	50	33.3	33.3	
 	Disagree	50	33.3	66.6	
 	Not Sure	20	13.4	80	
 	Agree	30	20	100	
 	Strongly Agree				
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
From the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly disagreed, 50(33.3%) disagreed, 20(13.4%) were not sure and 30(20%) agreed, majority of the respondents disagreed and this implied weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law is among the challenges democracy through voting in Uganda. The study found out that, democratic institutions in Uganda work on consensus to decide an issue, which usually takes longer than a unilateral decision, most of the electoral institutions are designed to too much emphasis on election mechanisms and polling-day activities only and this affects long-term democracy.
4.4.10 Ignorance from the public
The study asked respondents to state whether ignorance from the public is among the challenges democracy through voting in Uganda and the results are indicated in the table 4.28.
Table 4.28: Ignorance from the public
	Frequency	Percent	CumulativePercent	
Valid	Strongly Disagree	10	6.7	6.7	
 	Disagree	40	26.7	33.4	
 	Not Sure	-	0	33.4	
 	Agree	50	33.3	66.7	
 	Strongly Agree	50	33.3	100	
 	Total	150	100.0		
Source: Primary Data (2019)
According to the table above, 50(33.3%) strongly agreed, 50(33.3%) agreed, 40(26.7%) disagreed, 10(6.7%) strongly disagreed and 0(0%) were not sure. Majority of the respondents agreed and this implied that ignorance from the public is among the challenges of democracy in Uganda.  The study revealed that, the public is not educated enough about their rights when it comes to elections. The study further revealed that, leaders in Uganda tend to cater to the whims of the people, who then follow false ideas to entertain themselves, squander their reserves, and do not deal with potential threats to their rule until it is too late to oppose them and this has affected the democracy.
It was discovered that, electronic transmission was identified as a way to ensure accurate, transparent, credible and verifiable results as they were transmitted from polling centers to the county, and to the national tallying center. However, many Ugandans were wandering how the votes they casted would move from the polling stations to Namboole (tally center). 
The study through interviews revealed that, ignorance restricts participation of the majority in policymaking which often weakens the legitimacy, accountability and the quality of decisions made within governments. Participation and representation are more likely to lead to public policies that are more responsive to the needs of the people and it requires regular, free and fair elections and a genuine choice between alternative government policies.
4.5. Summary of the findings
The findings in this study indicate that, the features such as free and fair, participation of civil societies in the Uganda voting process comply with the international electoral standards, however still facing challenges which need to be addressed.

CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMANDATIONS
5.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the discussion, conclusions and recommendations based on the study findings.
5.1. Summary of findings 
 This section discusses the major findings obtained per objective regarding to assessing the applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Uganda. One hundred fifty respondents participated and these were categorized as detailed in the sample size in accordance to their gender, age, qualification level of experience and the involvement in the community policing activities.
5.1.1 The democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedure 
As presented in chapter four, most respondents indicated that there are structured institutions with its electoral systems, all the people the right to choose their leaders, there always free and fair elections, ensuring transparency during the voting process, Public accountability is always shown in Uganda during its voting process, Civil societies are allowed to participate in the electoral process in Uganda and there are judicial institutions in Uganda which review the voting exercise. Democracy is based on the existence of well-structured and well-functioning institutions, as well as on a body of standards and rules and on the will of society as a whole, fully conversant with its rights and responsibilities
The study revealed that, democracy is founded on the right of everyone to take part in the management of public affairs which means that, there must be representative institutions at all levels in which all components of society are represented with the requisite powers and means to express the will of the people by legislating and overseeing the overall electoral process. It was further discovered that, in order to strengthen democracy through electoral standards, all actors must ensure that their conduct conforms to international law, refrain from the use or threat of force and from any conduct that endangers or violates the sovereignty and integrity of citizens and this is in line with Goodwill (2006) who states that, democracy requires a democratic electoral climate and culture constantly nurtured and reinforced by education and other vehicles of culture and information. 
It was further discovered that, citizens are not educated enough about their rights as far as voting is concerned and Hence, a democratic society must be committed to education in the broadest sense of the term, and more particularly civic education and the shaping of a responsible citizenry.
Furthermore, the existence of an active civil society is an essential element of democracy, the capacity and willingness of individuals to participate in electoral processes and make governance choices cannot be taken for granted. It is therefore necessary to develop conditions conducive to the genuine exercise of participatory rights, while also eliminating obstacles that prevent, hinder or inhibit this exercise. It is therefore indispensable to ensure the permanent enhancement of equality, transparency and education and to remove obstacles such as ignorance, intolerance, apathy, the lack of genuine choices and alternatives and the absence of measures designed to redress imbalances or discrimination of a social, cultural, religious and racial nature, or for reasons of gender.
5.1.2 The application of international voting procedures in Uganda
Findings in chapter four indicates that, the electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration, Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith over restrictions during its electoral process. Uganda follows the principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise, Uganda has ensured the right and opportunity to Vote of every citizen, Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process and Uganda has implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections. The study further discovered that, reasonable  restrictions  on the exercise  of electoral related   rights   are  imposed   in  order   for governments   to  meet  its obligations   to  respect   and  ensure  electoral   related  rights. However, what is difficult is to determine the extent to which these reasonable restrictions apply to all citizens. 
5.1.3 Challenges faced in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda
Findings in chapter four also discovered that, the influence of political participation, popular expectations and state capacity, corruption among the electoral actors, lack of governmental accountability, inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting, ignorance from the public and weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law are some of the challenges o strengthening democracy in Uganda.  The study further discovered that, democracy in Uganda has faced so many setbacks, most of the electoral laws are made to fight the opposition, the supporters of the government are always favoured but whoever is against is always arrested and kept in prison. 
It was also discovered that, elections in Uganda has always been destabilized by the use of institutionalized violence that forces the country endure a cycle of fear, lack of integrity, and impunity. Violence has become widespread and part of everyday life, and is not limited to election time and these have been caused by the lack of coordination between security mechanisms, the lack of accountability, the use of organized ethnic gangs as a way to assert political power and provide public services and the personalization of presidential power to deliberately weaken public institutions.
It was further revealed that, International actors still place too much emphasis on election mechanisms and polling-day activities however, voter registration, the unfolding of election campaigns and the resolution of disputes in the aftermath of the announcement of results all form part of the electoral process. 
Lack of awareness, notably, the rights, freedoms, protections and privileges enshrined among Ugandans is a challenge. The constitution has endeavored to create a greater space for participation, but there has been a lack of corresponding measures to make people aware of this. The populace cannot take advantage of what they do not know about. For instance in as much as people basically understand the concept of dual citizenship and their right to vote, they do not know how it can be operational zed and awareness would be required for that.
5.3 Conclusions
The election of a new government opens a window of opportunity enabling it to launch audacious reforms. Well-institutionalized democracies are more likely to produce, over the long run, effective, efficient and sustainable economic and socio-political policies, because they provide effective and stable institutional and procedural mechanisms to represent interests, arbitrate disputes, provide checks and balances, and negotiate change.

 Taking cognizance of the fact that governance institutions do not operate in a vacuum and need other well-functioning national institutions to function optimally in turn, leaders of institutions should develop and adopt policies to promote transparency in the disclosure of the private interests of politicians seeking office, commissioners and senior officials to guard against conflicts of interest.  The correlation between democracy, representation and participation is that under democracy, governments are representative because office holders are elected. Elections serve to select good policies and/or policy-bearing politicians and to hold governments responsible for the results of their past actions. Because they anticipate the judgment of voters, governments are induced to choose policies that in their judgment will be positively evaluated by the citizens at the time of the next election.

The general elections end the way they do because the electoral dispute resolution mechanisms and process in the country do not enjoy public confidence. Regrettably, the judiciary is still operating on a trust deficit. The manner in which it has been handling elections has led to a widely held belief that it is impossible to not only serve and file an election petition against an incumbent president, but also that one cannot obtain a favorable judgment. Election petitions were filed with respect to a number of parliamentary and civic elections all over the country as well as to the presidential election that had been the subject of so much disgruntle. 

For   the international electoral standards  to   promote democracy,    other   internationally recognized  human  rights  must  also be broadly  exercised  in the electoral  context,  without discrimination   or unreasonable  restrictions which include the   right   to   peacefully    assemble    for   meetings,    rallies    and   to   otherwise demonstrate  support for electoral  competitors, the right to move freely to build electoral  support, the  right  to  be  free  of  the  threat  of  violence   or  other  coercion,   while  making political  choices  or exercising  political  expression, the right to hold political  opinions  without  interference and the  right  to  freedom   of  political   expression,   including   the  freedom   to  seek, receive  and  impart  information   and  ideas  in  order  to  develop  informed   choices required  for "the free expression  of the will of the electors.
It was revealed that, there are many challenges that are faced in strengthening democracy through voting in Uganda, this is because democracy goes hand in hand with an effective, honest and transparent government, freely chosen and accountable for its management of public affairs. Public accountability, which is essential to democracy, applies to all those who hold public authority, whether elected or non-elected, and to all bodies of public authority without exception. Corruption, non-transparent decision making, limited possibilities of participation and social discrimination pose a challenge for the growth of democracy in Uganda, every leader with an awareness of related problems and the knowledge and capacity to find solutions for them to spearhead the implementation of transparent, efficient and democratic governance based on the rule of law and social justice.
5.4 Recommendations
The following recommendations are suggested in respect to international electoral standards and democracy and personal security in Entebbe Municipality. 
A peaceful election requires tremendous effort around the clock from all quarters and stakeholders. Therefore, Ugandan government and grass root organizations must implement a nationwide education and early response network to quell violence before it spread. Hate speech, libel, slander or any form of defamatory utterances as well as insinuations and inflammatory statements must also be put on check. 
The government of Uganda should enhance transparency and accountability in the governance structures and build strong institutions that can fight corruption and undemocratic traditions. Uganda’s electoral process must command the full confidence of voters, and elected leaders must use their mandate to serve the interests of the people.
Legal and judicial reform should become a core component of a democracy‘s governance portfolio, which should be primarily motivated by the government with finding durable solutions to elections and electioneering period. Enhancing good governance entails ensuring the effective separation of powers. 
The government of Uganda should address the factors underpinning the political independence of the judiciary, guaranteeing the impartial administration of justice and reducing the opportunities for discretionary authority
5.4 Areas for further research
The following areas were recommended for further research:

i.	 Democracy and elections in Africa: the case of Uganda 
ii.	The effectiveness of voting procedures in strengthening democracy in Uganda 
iii.	The impact of international relations approaches on democracy in Uganda

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APPENDICES
Dear Sir/Madam, 
I am currently undertaking a study on the topic assessing the applicability of international electoral standards in strengthening democracy in Uganda: (a case study of Entebbe municipality) as a Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Award of a Master of Arts Degree in International Relations and Diplomacy of Nkumba University. The information sought is required only for academic purposes. Participation is entirely out of your free will and necessary for the success of this work. Information provided will be handled with utmost confidentiality.
Sincerely
.................................................. 
ISAAC MUTUNGI
SECTION ONE:  GENERAL INFORMATION
Please Tick your appropriate Choice 
1.	Age (Years):  21-30		31 – 40	   41 – 50	     Above 50

2.	Gender:  Male 		Female 

3.	Marital Status 

        Single 		Married 		Divorced/Separated 
4.	Level of Education 
           Professional 	    Masters Degree 	     Bachelor Degree	          Diploma 
          Certificate 	     	Any other please specify ………………………………
5.	Length of stay in Entebbe Municipality  
Less than one year 	      1 – 3 years   	     3 – 6 years 	            Above 6 years

SECTION TWO: The democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedure in Entebbe Municipality
In this section the researcher seeks to establish the democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedure in Entebbe Municipality.  Please Tick the appropriate alternative, Key: Where SA-strongly agree, A- agree, NS-not sure, SD-strongly disagree D-disagree. 
Uganda has put in well-structured institutions	with its electoral systems	SA	A	NS	SD	D	
Uganda has given  all the people the right to chose their leaders						
Uganda always carry out free and fair elections						
Uganda has always been  ensuring  transparency during the voting process						
Public accountability is always shown in Uganda during its voting process						
civil societies are allowed to participate in the electoral process in Uganda 						
There are judicial institutions in Uganda which review the voting exercise 						

SECTION THREE: The application of international voting procedures in Uganda 
In this section the researcher seeks to establish the application of international voting procedures in Uganda.  Please Tick the appropriate alternative. Key: Where, SA=strongly agree, A= Agree, NS= Not sure, D=Disagree, SD=strongly disagree 
The electoral system of Uganda is based on the international treaties and declaration	SA	A	NS	SD	D	
Uganda’s electoral system applies the principle of good faith over restrictions during its electoral process						
Uganda follows the  principle of inclusiveness during the voting exercise						
Uganda has ensure  the right and opportunity   to Vote of every citizen						
Uganda embraces the principle of eligibility during the voting process						
Uganda has implemented the principle of transparency when organizing elections						

SECTION FOUR:  Challenges faced in strengthening Democracy through voting in Uganda 
In this section the researcher seeks to challenges faced in strengthening Democracy through voting in Uganda.  Please Tick the appropriate alternative                          
Key: SA=strongly agree, A= Agree, NS= Not sure, D=Disagree, SD=strongly disagree
The influence Political   participation   	SA	A	NS	SD	D	
Popular expectations and state capacity 						
Corruption  among the electoral actors 						
Lack of   governmental   accountability   						
Inadequate rules and procedures regarding the voting 						
Weak institutions such as human rights and the courts of law 						
Ignorance from the public						

Thank you for your cooperation

Appendix II: Interview guide

What are the democratic features in Uganda’s voting procedures in Entebbe Municipality?

How are international voting procedures applicable in Uganda’s democracy in Entebbe Municipality?

What are the challenges in strengthening Democracy through voting in Uganda in Entebbe Municipality?